3. Social Domain

This domain is the broadest, and indeed all the disciplinary reviews included studies relevant to this domain.

While the issues of racism and tolerance can be seen as part of the social domain, we shall address these in the citizenship and culture domain. The focus here is on the issue of integration, in its many dimensions.

Immigrant groups bring a specific culture to Canada. The interaction of this immigrant culture with that of Canada may lead to a number of possible outcomes, depending on whether the group (or individual members) seeks mainly to retain its ethnic heritage or participate in the mainstream society: integration, assimilation, separation, and marginalization. Studies of the processes of immigrant integration and/or assimilation are more common in English Canada than in Quebec, where there has been less curiosity concerning issues of cultural retention of immigrant groups, and more concern for their active integration in francophone Quebec society.

Integration, a balanced response to both cultural retention and full participation, might seem the ideal; but how attainable is this in practice? Evidence suggests that it may be difficult to make sweeping generalizations, since the outcomes may be different for different groups, at different times, for different measures, and even different cities. It is still unclear whether residential concentrations of immigrants will facilitate or impede successful integration, and under what conditions.

Integration remains a multi-dimensional process. One cannot always assume complete acculturation has taken place, based on demographic measures such as language shift away from an ethnic mother tongue. In addition, individuals may establish their link to Canadian society through either an individualistic strategy or through a collective strategy, two very different approaches to integration.

Some research also alerts us to the fact that a decision in favour of cultural maintenance need not always indicate a positive choice; it could be a result of negative experiences, and a reversion to the security of the in-group.

By and large the evidence over most dimensions and over most groups is that integration takes place steadily, over time, and over generations. Gradually immigrant languages give way to English or French, and acculturation to Canadian values and norms takes place. Rates of exogamy similarly increase. Some factors may impact on the rate of integration. For example, worship in ethnic churches may slow down the rate. Research suggests that immigrants most similar culturally to the two charter groups have in the past integrated most rapidly.

The family is an important variable which conditions the process of immigrant integration. At times immigration may entail a period of spousal separation,and in the case of females, first time spousal employment. But upon reunification, traditional patterns of sex role division of labour re-emerge.

Immigrant families are also a setting for intergenerational conflict, on issues such as dating, respect for parents, arranged marriages etc. But studies have found comparable levels of intergenerational tension in Canadian born families. Certainly, the historical record confirms such familial tensions have been a constant, recurring feature of the immigration process.

The family dynamics may differ, however, depending on the type of immigrant being studied. There is little research on the impact of immigration on national divorce rates and other indicators of marital stability. There is a qualitative literature which describes instances of spousal abuse and conjugal violence in immigrant/ethnic communities, and the difficulties in treating it in effective and culturally sensitive ways. The possible differences in patterns of nuptiality, and extra-marital births, have not been explored as well (see below). But on some other measures related to life-style transitions, (e.g. care of the elderly) we know that ethno-cultural variation exists and shapes responses in general among immigrants. The policy implications of such socio-demographic impacts of immigration would be derived from the social work and social service literature.

Despite the processes of acculturation which take place, there is evidence that some patterns of cultural difference may persist in later generation immigrant/ethnic families.

It should also be noted that demographic characteristics of immigration may have other impacts. While the sex ratio overall of the immigrant flow through the 1980's was similar to that of Canada (.97) there is significant variation for different groups. This in turn can impact on rates of marriage, exogamy, or out of wedlock births. These issues can in turn impact upon welfare dependency or life chances for children. These issues did not loom large in the reviews, perhaps because the extent of scientific work on these admittedly sensitive topics is minimal in Canada ( as contrasted with the United States).

Similarly, immigration may also affect the rate of aging of the population. But eventually even younger immigrants will age, creating a new set of social needs and demands in terms of caregiving functions within a three generation family -- the sandwich generation -- as well as special needs for the ethnic/immigrant elderly. Relevant literature here was also not reviewed.

There was little literature reviewed in the area of NGO's and ethnic organizational life. In general these associations are strongest among the native born. Their modes of functioning and impact on the lives of immigrants or the host society were not explored. In addition, there was little discussion of the issues surrounding alternate culturally sensitive modes of service delivery, health care utilization patterns, and ethno-specific services.

The Quebec review did discuss the role of immigrant associations, claiming there were 1800 ethnic associations and 100 ethnic newspapers in 1991 in Quebec. This Quebec literature has recognized the dual -- and at times uneasy -- function of such organizations as both guarding the communal heritage while also facilitating an introduction into the new host society. (The same dilemma faces such organizations in English Canada). Minority groups are found to differ in their involvement with, and perception of, the efficacy of such ethnic communal organizations, depending on cultural traditions and socio-economic characteristics.

Little research has been done on the role of ethnic schools and ethnic churches in the processes of immigrant integration. Indeed, the absence of ANY research on the role of religious institutions constitutes a lacuna in the field. In large part this may be because researchers today are more focused on the state or secular ethnic organizations, rather than on churches, as facilitators of immigrant integration. Historically the role of churches and religious institutions for immigrant integration was crucial.

The hot button issue of the link between immigration and crime, whether organized crime or that associated with a disadvantaged underclass, has not been subject to extensive recent Canadian research.

Canada does not collect and publish in any comprehensive way, crime data by ethnic origin and/or place of birth. The desirability and feasibility of this step has been the subject of fierce debate. There is an inadequate data base for systematic or sophisticated national studies of both patterns of immigrant crime, and possible biases against immigrant minorities, especially visible minorities, throughout the criminal justice system.

It is known anecdotally that minority communities often have strained relationships with police and the justice system, and the perception is strong among many minorities-- magnified by well publicized incidents-- that systemic racism permeates the Canadian justice system. This may be well founded. Ontario data find that blacks are far more likely than whites to be imprisoned before trial, and to be imprisoned for drug possession charges.

The evidence that is available however, does suggest that the criminality, measured by incarceration in federal penitentiaries, is less for the foreign born than for the native born. (During the earlier wave of mass migration the reverse was the case.) This is also true for the US and Australia but not for Europe. Some (largely non-Canadian) evidence suggests delinquency rates seem to increase for the children of immigrants, a result of poverty, racism, school failure, intergenerational conflict etc.

In Canada there is also significant variation among immigrant/ ethnic groups in their involvement with crime, at least as measured by incarceration or homicide statistics. Canadians born in the Caribbean or Latin America seem to have higher rates, Asian Canadians lower. There is also no doubt that immigrant groups, now as in the past, are linked to organized crime. But this too has not been the subject of detailed social scientific study. Little is known about the full extent of this crime, and the profile of its victims.

Youth gangs which structure themselves along immigrant and ethnic lines exist, but few studies of such gangs were reported in the reviews. They suggest that such gangs may be a form of integration for members, and the majority (based on one study from the mid 1970s) may not necessarily carry on into a life of adult crime. Another study lists among other factors a lack of social services as related to the rise of juvenile gangs in Vancouver.

There was little literature cited or reviewed dealing with the actual dynamics of dating, courtship, or mate selection in immigrant or second generation families, as well as social networks, recreational, and friendship patterns. This is an area that could well require additional research, though it is not clear what policy role there may be for government in what are essentially private decisions.

The issue of ethnic residential segregation is one which falls both in the social domain as well as that of physical infrastructure. Such patterns can be seen as reflecting discrimination in various forms, income differences, or actual preferences of various groups. There is NO clear consensus in the literature on which explanation may be more valid , or to what degrees, or for which groups, and in which cities. But a measure of voluntaristic choice is clearly involved, and ethnic neighbourhoods may help immigrants in the initial periods of adjustment.

Residential concentrations may also be found among second generation and/or middle class immigrants, which also suggests an element of choice. In Canada, for example, we have the highest degrees of residential segregation among South European, Asian and Jewish groups, with the latter being the most segregated.

Early sociological theory would suggest that the processes of individual social mobility could not co-exist with high levels of group cohesiveness and ethnic persistence, as measured by residential concentration or institutional completeness. Integrating into the society entailed leaving the security of the immigrant group. But recent literature suggests that in some cases the trade-off need not take place.