5. Sociology

In many ways sociology is the discipline with the widest coverage of issues relating to immigrant integration, and includes both quantitative and qualitative studies. Sociological work may apply to the greatest number of domains. Criminology is in some sense a sub-discipline of sociology, and urban studies includes the area of urban sociology. The concern for issues such as immigrant integration or assimilation emerged out of a sociological tradition. Sociological research has also ranged over issues such as labour market participation, family patterns and socialization.

In Canada a landmark study of immigration and related issues like ethnicity was John Porter's The Vertical Mosaic. Porter's study developed the notion that each immigrant group was assigned a relatively fixed "entrance status," and with the exception of the Western and Northern Europeans, this basically rendered them markedly inferior in power and economic opportunity to the two charter groups.

Sociologists, in Canada as elsewhere, have also wrestled with the issue of the erosion -- or survival or transformation -- of ethnic culture and identities over time. This concern has also included possible impacts on the culture of the host society.

a. state of knowledge

Sociologists have been concerned with the economic performance of immigrants, and less so with the impact of immigration on the economy. Sociological studies of ethnic enclaves and ethnic entrepreneurs are not uniformly negative, regarding possible social and economic benefits of labour market concentration. Benefits may accrue differentially to employers and to employees. The debate is still unresolved, certainly in Canada where far less research has been done than in the United States. But the idea that ethnic economic concentrations might represent a 'mobility trap" in every instance is insufficiently nuanced.

The macro contribution of immigration to the Canadian economy has been mainly studied by economists, who have concluded (see above) that there may be a small, positive impact. Sociologists and economists both are also concerned more with micro-level comparisons of immigrants with native born, though for sociologists the impetus is usually equity rather than economic efficiency. Non-European immigrants earn less than comparable Canadian born, while European immigrants are at parity with comparable Canadian born. The negative earnings impact of being a racial minority is reduced for the Canadian born compared to the immigrants. In general it is important to disaggregate by gender in all such studies, though gender based outcomes vary over different immigrant groups.

But the central thrust of the research cited in the sociological review, contrasted to the strictly economic or demographic which seems to de-emphasize --but not deny-- the extent of racial discrimination per se, is the persisting patterns of discrimination facing immigrant minorities in Canadian labour markets. This can include devaluation of foreign credentials, which is pervasive, discrimination based on accent, as well as other forms of systemic discrimination. This discrimination is documented by field work studies as well as self-reports. There can be no disputing the reality of discrimination as it affects the life chances of visible minority immigrants. Yet there seem to be few quantitative or analytical studies of racial or ethnic harassment in the workplace.

This review, like the economic review, did not focus on studies or evaluations of employment equity policies. While such policies in theory are not aimed at immigrants, in practice, and in the perception of many Canadians, they seem to benefit recent immigrants, who are also visible minorities.

Recent national surveys have shown increasing opposition to current levels of immigration in the early 1990's, declining somewhat beginning in the mid 1990's. Opposition to immigration is often found in working class respondents, which may reflect real or perceived competition for jobs or simply the fact that responses of the middle class are more "politically correct." Attitudes towards immigrants will also vary by their country of origin. While in general racist attitudes have declined since the immediate post-war period, a significant minority of Canadians retain explicitly racist views. A recent study has confirmed that opposition to immigration in Canada blends racial antipathy with significant economic concerns.

Though social integration is multidimensional, it proceeds steadily after generations. Economic integration is a basic indicator. But social integration can also include measures of language retention or use, practice of cultural rituals, diversity in friendship networks, participation in ethnic organizations, residence in an ethnic neighbourhood, marital decisions, efforts to socialize children within the group, etc. While some policy discourse describes integration as a process of mutual accommodation, most research focuses on changes in immigrant behaviours to match prevailing Canadian standards -- and this has been the pattern. For example, ethnic language retention and use decline dramatically after the immigrant generation, as does participation in formal ethnic organizations, and levels of exogamy increase, at least for white immigrant groups.

But there is significant variation among different groups -- and individuals-- in the rates at which these generational changes occur, and for which dimensions. While in general the various measures of integration may progress in concert, it is clear that important exceptions exist whereby retention of an ethnic culture and identity need not preclude high levels of economic integration or business success.

With regard to educational attainment, immigrant children generally catch up with native born children, in many areas of school performance. Within this general pattern there is of course variation by country of origin; not all immigrant groups do equally well. Moreover, age of immigration as well as human capital characteristics of their parents will influence positively the educational achievement of immigrant children. This achievement is remarkable given the linguistic obstacles and adjustment periods (in some cases traumatic) facing immigrant children. (Neither this review, nor any other, has focused on the literature which emphasizes the possibly special difficulties in integration faced by refugees, and particularly refugee children.)

But this does not mean that bias is absent from the school system, particularly for non-European immigrant children. Children may achieve despite barriers. Recent studies, part research and part advocacy, have focused on forms of racism found in the overt and "hidden curriculum" as well as problems facing specific students, notably African Canadians.

The omission of education as one of the disciplines reviewed has meant that some literature on anti-racist or multicultural education, including evaluations, has not been reviewed.

There has been little empirical sociological research on the impact of immigration on Canadian cultural life. But it is likely that some Canadians see immigration as a threat to an inherited symbolic order in Canada. In fact, there has been an influence felt in post war Canadian culture from the increasing waves of immigrants and ethnic diversity. This impact has been felt across the spectrum of culture, from high culture (e.g. literature, art) to culture as everyday life. Yet the dominance of traditional English and French cultural forms has often relegated minority cultural efforts to a marginal status.

There is no consensus on the nature of immigrants' political participation and the effect of immigration on Canadian political and public life. By and large immigrants tend to participate as extensively in political life as do the Canadian born. And by and large there is no evidence that immigrants through their participation distort the political agenda, as in cases where politicians in some ridings might seek the "ethnic vote." But it is clear that immigrant groups will have sets of interests ( e.g. in foreign policy) which will be more strongly felt, and acted upon through their organizations and through lobbying, than other Canadians.

But there are many other issues dealing with immigration and politics, as well as ethnic polities, that are not addressed in the review and might fall within the domain of political science. These include issues of representation in parties and in legislatures, ethnic "stacking" of nomination meetings, and the size and nature of the "ethnic vote." There is also little here on the structure and function of immigrant/ethnic communal organizations, nor on racist or anti-immigration organizations. In general there is little research on the effect of immigrant political participation on the quality of Canadian public or political life.

Regarding the determination of Canadian immigration policy, there is a mixture of both domestic considerations and global factors. Domestic considerations are mainly the health of the economy, or perceived economic needs, but can also include political considerations such as pressure --for and against immigration -- from various constituencies. Global factors include world population and refugee growth, economic comparisons among sending countries, Canada, and other potential receiving countries, and foreign policy considerations and treaty obligations. It is not clear how the interplay of these factors impacts on the process of immigrant integration for those who do arrive.

Issues of institutional completeness and residential segregation have been important to sociologists. It is known that such concentrations are a complex product of class factors, minority preferences, and overt and covert patterns of discrimination. Yet contrary to some analysts and as mentioned above, the view here is that ethnic communal ties need not be an impediment to achievement, and institutional completeness can provide a shelter to some immigrants.

Immigrants are found to have higher levels of homeownership. But no sociological studies are cited on the general issue of housing quality and housing market discrimination facing immigrants, particularly visible minorities.

b. research agenda

According to the review, little is known about immigration and globalization, though one could argue that the international movement of peoples should be one element within research on globalization. Most Canadian work has focused on immigrant integration as a linear process, one which occurs within Canada's borders. This reflects an older paradigm regarding the immigration process. Return migration did occur, though mainly as a result of failures of adjustment. New emphases on the roles of "diasporas" facilitated by communications and transportation revolutions will require new paradigms. Migration need not have the finality of years past; it is far easier for immigrants to retain their contact -- personal and cultural -- with the "old country." It is not yet clear if or how these new realities are impacting on the perceived need for maximal integration into Canadian life.

There is a need for research on the relation of "multiculturalism" to the internationalization of capital and possible Canadian investment. Related to this would be comparative studies of the international migration process. This could also include the notion of a global competition involving Canada in bidding for the "best" international migrants.

Attitudes toward immigrants, and indeed racism, need to be analyzed according to the class composition of immigrant minority groups. It is not clear whether or how opposition is directed at upper class immigrants, perhaps due to envy, or working class immigrants, who may be direct competitors for jobs.

A major gap in almost the full spectrum of literature is the failure to differentiate among the various categories of immigrants. In other words, there is inadequate published comparative research on how family class, refugee, or various independent or business class migrants integrate into the Canadian social fabric.

More work is needed to examine the extent, operation, and consequences of "institutional completeness" within immigrant groups. This would entail among other things detailed ethnographic and other qualitative studies of ethno-specific organizations which often play a role in the day- to- day lives of immigrants. Institutional completeness in turn can be related to the extent of residential concentration -- both voluntary and involuntary -- which remains a central element of the urban landscape.

A specific gap lies in the study of the provision of social services to immigrants. In fact, a small but growing Canadian literature explores the provision of culturally sensitive health and social services in Canada, but was not discussed in any of the reviews. In any event that literature is inconclusive regarding the impact of culturally sensitive services in such domains on appropriate outcome measures for immigrants.

A final agenda item lies in the lack of studies on how changing structural conditions in Canada may impact on the integration of immigrants.

c. methodological issues.

The major methodological bias identified is that of "benchmarking." This assumes that for some reason the native born population represents the normative standard to which immigrant groups must conform. In fact, immigrants to Canada are a product not only of what they bring, but of how they are shaped by the receiving society. So the tradition of the comparison of foreign born with native born reifies categories which are not truly distinct.

The fact of the power imbalance between immigrants and the native born gives the lie to the idea of mutual, equal, and reciprocal integration. Canada dictates the norms, the benchmarks to which immigrants must conform. In fact, immigrants do NOT deviate much from the Canadian standards.

It would be a challenge to see whether in fact one can construct an "objective" normative standard with which to measure and evaluate immigrants and immigration. An example might be the routine evaluation of immigrant enclaves as "problematic." These may not be "problematic" from the perspective of the immigrants living in these areas. In addition, the fact that some immigrant groups do better than native born on some measures like education or crime suggests that the notion of the Canadian born setting the standard is flawed.

In more narrow terms, most of the quantitative work has been the result of cross-sectional surveys. There is a clear need for longitudinal studies or panel studies which can trace processes of integration with greater precision. Finally, there is no systematic, or even unsystematic attempt, to integrate qualitative and quantitative studies on comparable topics.

It is not clear how to address the need for data on the differential outcomes for different categories of immigrants. Perhaps one option is to explore adding a question to the census, on the different categories of immigrants, though the question would only be relevant to a subset of the foreign born. This would complement data from Statistics Canada surveys targeted directly at immigrants.

Finally, it is important to develop triangulated comparative studies which could involve Canada, other countries of destination, as well as source countries, in which one could study the same group on various outcome measures. This would lead to a better understanding of immigration to Canada within a global framework.